Fellow citizens, pardon me, and allow me to ask, why am I called
upon to speak here today? What have I or those I represent to do with your
national independence? Are the great principles of political freedom and
of natural justice, embodied in that Declaration of Independence, extended
to us? And am I, therefore, called upon to bring our humble offering to
the national altar, and to confess the benefits, and express devout gratitude
for the blessings resulting from your independence to us?
Would to God, both for your sakes and ours, that an affirmative answer
could be truthfully returned to these questions. Then would my task be
light, and my burden easy and delightful. For who is there so cold that
a nation's sympathy could not warm him? Who so obdurate and dead to the
claims of gratitude, that would not thankfully acknowledge such priceless
benefits? Who so stolid and selfish that would not give his voice to swell
the hallelujahs of a nation's jubilee, when the chains of servitude had
been torn from his limbs? I am not that man. In a case like that, the dumb
might eloquently speak, and the "lame man leap as an hart."
But such is not the state of the case. I say it with a sad sense
of disparity between us. I am not included within the pale of this glorious
anniversary! Your high independence only reveals the immeasurable distance
between us. The blessings in which you this day rejoice are not enjoyed
in common. The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity, and independence
bequeathed by your fathers is shared by you, not by me. The sunlight that
brought life and healing to you has brought stripes and death to me. This
Fourth of July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I must mourn.
To drag a man in fetters into the grand illuminated temple of liberty,
and call upon him to join you in joyous anthems, were inhuman mockery and
sacrilegious irony. Do you mean, citizens, to mock me, by asking me to
speak today? If so, there is a parallel to your conduct. And let me warn
you, that it is dangerous to copy the example of a nation (Babylon) whose
crimes, towering up to heaven, were thrown down by the breath of the Almighty,
burying that nation in irrecoverable ruin.
Fellow citizens, above your national, tumultuous joy, I hear the
mournful wail of millions, whose chains, heavy and grievous yesterday,
are today rendered more intolerable by the jubilant shouts that reach them.
If I do forget, if I do not remember those bleeding children of sorrow
this day, "may my right hand forget her cunning, and may my tongue
cleave to the roof of my mouth!"
To forget them, to pass lightly over their wrongs and to chime in
with the popular theme would be treason most scandalous and shocking, and
would make me a reproach before God and the world.
My subject, then, fellow citizens, is "American Slavery."
I shall see this day and its popular characteristics from the slave's point
of view. Standing here, identified with the American bondman, making his
wrongs mine, I do not hesitate to declare, with all my soul, that the character
and conduct of this nation never looked blacker to me than on this Fourth
Whether we turn to the declarations of the past, or to the professions
of the present, the conduct of the nation seems equally hideous and revolting.
America is false to the past, false to the present, and solemnly binds
herself to be false to the future. Standing with God and the crushed and
bleeding slave on this occasion, I will, in the name of humanity, which
is outraged, in the name of liberty, which is fettered, in the name of
the Constitution and the Bible, which are disregarded and trampled upon,
dare to call in question and to denounce, with all the emphasis I can command,
everything that serves to perpetuate slavery -- the great sin and shame
of America! "I will not equivocate - I will not excuse." I will
use the severest language I can command, and yet not one word shall escape
me that any man, whose judgment is not blinded by prejudice, or who is
not at heart a slave-holder, shall not confess to be right and just.
But I fancy I hear some of my audience say it is just in this circumstance
that you and your brother Abolitionists fail to make a favorable impression
on the public mind. Would you argue more and denounce less, would you persuade
more and rebuke less, your cause would be much more likely to succeed.
But, I submit, where all is plain there is nothing to be argued. What point
in the anti-slavery creed would you have me argue? On what branch of the
subject do the people of this country need light? Must I undertake to prove
that the slave is a man? That point is conceded already. Nobody doubts
it. The slave-holders themselves acknowledge it in the enactment of laws
for their government. They acknowledge it when they punish disobedience
on the part of the slave. There are seventy-two crimes in the State of
Virginia, which, if committed by a black man (no matter how ignorant he
be), subject him to the punishment of death; while only two of these same
crimes will subject a white man to like punishment.
What is this but the acknowledgment that the slave is a moral, intellectual,
and responsible being? The manhood of the slave is conceded. It is admitted
in the fact that Southern statute books are covered with enactments, forbidding,
under severe fines and penalties, the teaching of the slave to read and
write. When you can point to any such laws in reference to the beasts of
the field, then I may consent to argue the manhood of the slave. When the
dogs in your streets, when the fowls of the air, when the cattle on your
hills, when the fish of the sea, and the reptiles that crawl, shall be
unable to distinguish the slave from a brute, then I will argue with you
that the slave is a man!
For the present it is enough to affirm the equal manhood of the Negro
race. Is it not astonishing that, while we are plowing, planting, and reaping,
using all kinds of mechanical tools, erecting houses, constructing bridges,
building ships, working in metals of brass, iron, copper, silver, and gold;
that while we are reading, writing, and ciphering, acting as clerks, merchants,
and secretaries, having among us lawyers, doctors, ministers, poets, authors,
editors, orators, and teachers; that we are engaged in all the enterprises
common to other men -- digging gold in California, capturing the whale
in the Pacific, feeding sheep and cattle on the hillside, living, moving,
acting, thinking, planning, living in families as husbands, wives, and
children, and above all, confessing and worshipping the Christian God,
and looking hopefully for life and immortality beyond the grave -- we are
called upon to prove that we are men?
Would you have me argue that man is entitled to liberty? That he
is the rightful owner of his own body? You have already declared it. Must
I argue the wrongfulness of slavery? Is that a question for republicans?
Is it to be settled by the rules of logic and argumentation, as a matter
beset with great difficulty, involving a doubtful application of the principle
of justice, hard to understand? How should I look today in the presence
of Americans, dividing and subdividing a discourse, to show that men have
a natural right to freedom, speaking of it relatively and positively, negatively
and affirmatively? To do so would be to make myself ridiculous, and to
offer an insult to your understanding. There is not a man beneath the canopy
of heaven who does not know that slavery is wrong for him.
What! Am I to argue that it is wrong to make men brutes, to rob them
of their liberty, to work them without wages, to keep them ignorant of
their relations to their fellow men, to beat them with sticks, to flay
their flesh with the lash, to load their limbs with irons, to hunt them
with dogs, to sell them at auction, to sunder their families, to knock
out their teeth, to burn their flesh, to starve them into obedience and
submission to their masters? Must I argue that a system thus marked with
blood and stained with pollution is wrong? No - I will not. I have better
employment for my time and strength than such arguments would imply.
What, then, remains to be argued? Is it that slavery is not divine;
that God did not establish it; that our doctors of divinity are mistaken?
There is blasphemy in the thought. That which is inhuman cannot be divine.
Who can reason on such a proposition? They that can, may - I cannot. The
time for such argument is past.
At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is
needed. Oh! had I the ability, and could I reach the nation's ear, I would
today pour out a fiery stream of biting ridicule, blasting reproach, withering
sarcasm, and stern rebuke. For it is not light that is needed, but fire;
it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. We need the storm, the whirlwind,
and the earthquake. The feeling of the nation must be quickened; the conscience
of the nation must be roused; the propriety of the nation must be startled;
the hypocrisy of the nation must be exposed; and its crimes against God
and man must be denounced.
What to the American slave is your Fourth of July? I answer, a day
that reveals to him more than all other days of the year, the gross injustice
and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him your celebration
is a sham; your boasted liberty an unholy license; your national greatness,
swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your
shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mock; your prayers and hymns, your
sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade and solemnity,
are to him mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy - a thin
veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There
is not a nation of the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody
than are the people of these United States at this very hour.
Go search where you will, roam through all the monarchies and despotisms
of the Old World, travel through South America, search out every abuse
and when you have found the last, lay your facts by the side of the everyday
practices of this nation, and you will say with me that, for revolting
barbarity and shameless hypocrisy, America reigns without a rival.
Frederick Douglass - July 4, 1852